The West gave Iran a name — theocracy — and buried the reality beneath it. They never told you that Khomeini spent decades mastering one of the most rigorous legal traditions in human history, or that he built a constitutional republic ratified by 98 percent of the Iranian people in a free referendum. A nation of fanatics can be bombed with a clear conscience. A constitutional republic of 93 million people, founded by a supremely gifted jurist, is harder to dispose of.

Abdullahi said: We did not expect the level of judicial rascality that was demonstrated. When a Court of Appeal says stay proceedings until October 27 and a lower court goes ahead to deliver judgment on the same matter, it is bizarre and dangerous."

It is against this background that I offer my views on the issues of banditry and kidnappings, particularly in northern Nigeria. My perspective is informed by knowledge acquired during my graduate studies at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, in the United States. Two courses, in particular, shaped my understanding of conflicts and their resolution. The first was International Security Studies, taught by Professor Richard Shultz, a consultant to the Pentagon. The second was International Negotiation, taught by Professor Diana Chigas, a member of the team that helped negotiate the end of apartheid in South Africa.

Democracy has delivered some notable gains. The country has witnessed peaceful transfers of power, expanded political participation, a more vibrant media landscape, and greater civic engagement. These achievements should not be dismissed. They are evidence that democratic governance, despite its imperfections, remains preferable to military rule. However, democracy cannot survive on political rituals alone. For millions of Nigerians battling insecurity, unemployment, poverty, inflation, and inadequate infrastructure, democracy must mean more than periodic elections.